By Cornel Sandvoss
Specialist soccer is among the preferred tv 'genres' world wide, attracting the aid of hundreds of thousands of fanatics, and the sponsorship of robust businesses. In A online game of 2 Halves, Sandvoss considers football's dating with tv, its hyperlinks with transnational capitalism, and the significance of soccer fandom in forming social and cultural identities world wide. He provides the phenomenon of soccer as a mirrored image postmodern tradition and globalization.Through a sequence of case reports, established in ethnographic viewers study, Sandvoss explores the motivations and pleasures of soccer fanatics, the serious bond shaped among supporters and their golf equipment, the results of soccer intake on political discourse and citizenship, soccer as an element of cultural globalisation, and the pivotal function of soccer and tv in a postmodern cultural order.
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Extra info for A Game of Two Halves: Football Fandom, Television and Globalisation
To all these fans, regardless of the origins of their fandom, clubs serve as spaces of self-projection. ‘We’, ‘they’ and the reflection of self Football fans’ use of clubs as spaces of self-projection is further veriﬁed on a linguistic level. Speaking about the club they support, in other words the object of their fandom, all football fans interviewed frequently employed the ﬁrst person plural ‘we’: . . we have two Brazilian internationals . . (Hilmar, Bayer Leverkusen fan, emphasis added) . .
Note * Average monthly household income. shout it all out. I shout ‘you arsehole’, ‘you wanker’ and when the game is over, I can go home and feel much better. (Chris, Bayer Leverkusen fan) It [supporting Bayer] is part of my leisure time. I play chess, I worked for the local energy services and I founded a sports club there. We have played football there for years. I played tennis, passionately. They also have a very good basketball team [Bayer]. My wife and I have season tickets there . . Apart from that, there are other leisure activities, sometimes we go to the theatre .
We were the last white team in London ever, we were just singing, ‘we are the white team’. We didn’t want one. When we had the ﬁrst one ever, we booed him off the pitch . . To be honest, everybody is right-wing, I still think people are now, but now they have got blacks, they play for Chelsea, we try just to see the shirt. (Benny, Chelsea fan, ofﬁce worker) To this fan the same club that represents cosmopolitanism to the fans quoted above is a symbol of his racist beliefs. Those aspects not compliant with his ideological position are ignored in his reading of the club (‘they have got blacks, they play for Chelsea, we try just to see the shirt’) in the same way as cosmopolitanly inclined interviewees ignored those aspects of the club’s history that were alien to their values and beliefs.